Universities are political institutions in a structural and normative sense, not merely because political actors intervene in them, but because they are governed through policy, funding priorities, and epistemic authority. By “political,” I do not mean party politics alone, but the organized exercise of power over knowledge production, institutional governance, and civic formation.
Education is political insofar as it shapes what counts as legitimate knowledge and who is authorized to produce it. Classical theorists from Aristotle to Dewey have argued that education sustains particular forms of social order, even when it is not reducible to propaganda.
Historically, universities were established to meet specific institutional needs rather than to cultivate universal understanding. Normatively, however, modern universities are expected to foster critical inquiry into natural, social, and economic phenomena.
Accordingly, the demand to “remove politics from universities” requires clarification. If it targets partisan capture, patronage, or coercive interference in inquiry, it identifies a real concern. If it aims at eliminating ideological contestation altogether, it misunderstands the nature of academic institutions.
This distinction is relevant in debates about Tribhuvan University. Politics and higher education are not mutually exclusive; universities are sites where social arrangements are examined and contested. The question is not whether politics exists, but whether its form supports or undermines academic purposes.
Academic freedom entails institutional protection for research and teaching guided by scholarly merit rather than political loyalty. Democratic governance does influence education, but when ideological conformity is enforced through coercion or intimidation, democratic commitments are eroded.
While TU formally maintains merit-based hiring mechanisms, institutional design alone does not guarantee effectiveness. Informal pressures and weak enforcement can undermine these safeguards, demanding scrutiny of practice rather than reliance on procedure.
Several academic programs at TU remain outdated or misaligned with local and disciplinary needs. Reform is necessarily gradual, but precision in diagnosis is a prerequisite for progress.
The uncritical replication of foreign curricular models illustrates this problem. Universities operate within distinct contexts that shape priorities, and curriculum design must emerge from articulated local intellectual aims rather than imitation.
A strong academic culture, shared norms of rigor, accountability, and professional conduct are characteristics of a respected university. Strengthening this culture requires enforceable protections of academic freedom, transparent hiring standards, and sustained professional development.
Thus, the claim that politics has ruined universities oversimplifies the issue. The problem lies not in politics per se, but in forms of political engagement that compromise scholarly autonomy and institutional integrity.
